Pauline Hanson makes no attempt to apologise or set the record straight when her recent controversies are brought up.
On the contrary, she smiled when asked on the Inside Politics podcast this week about calling a respected journalist a “nasty bitch”.
The same goes when asked about the fact she has skipped nearly 90 per cent of Senate estimates sessions, a key part of her job, and her questioning the loyalty of Muslim Australians.
Showing off a private plane donated by One Nation’s sponsor, Gina Rinehart, further demonstrates that Hanson isn’t playing by the normal rules. Just as US President Donald Trump said his supporters would stick with him if he shot someone in the street, Hanson feels she’s untouchable. Her jump in the polls this week gives her good reason to feel that way.
Hanson’s critics will struggle to portray her as a corrupt figure, unlike Trump. Her supporters view her as an authentic character who emphasises tradition and fights progressivism and the elites she blames for all ills, in classic populist style.
In her podcast appearance, she ably answered questions about the AUKUS schedule, though she was unaware of several government policies regarding media and universities. Hanson bragged about leading the campaign against COVID vaccines. It also showed she can handle herself and punch back in a testy interview.
But her answers also displayed One Nation’s deep vulnerabilities, which may seep into public debate over the next few months as the novelty of “Hanson for PM” wanes.
In a striking admission, Hanson revealed she’d been forced to shut down four branches over fears of far-right influence. “I’m being infiltrated by these extremists, so it’s all the time happening with One Nation, they set us up all the time,” she said.
This is hardly a surprise given the company she keeps. Hanson’s wide public support is built on millions of people, including more women than men, who are disillusioned and struggling after years of economic stagnation. Migration is not the top issue for many of them.
Those ordinary Australians would likely be surprised by the collection of right-wing forces, particularly online, barracking for Hanson. Openly white supremacist influencers, March for Australia leaders – who may not agree with neo-Nazis, but rallied alongside them – and supporters of sovereign citizen cop-killer Dezi Freeman have all boarded the Hanson freight train.
A serious governing party cannot retain these relationships. Hanson’s team are trying to cut out the extremist influence with new systems to vet candidates and officials, but it won’t be simple.
On her relationship with Rinehart, Hanson said the magnate “doesn’t influence me at all”, but went on to say: “Why wouldn’t I listen to her?”
Two of Rinehart’s big passions – a budget-busting move to hike spending to 5 per cent of GDP, and support for Ben Roberts-Smith against war crime murder charges – get prominent placement in Hanson’s agenda.
Then there is the party she leads.
One Nation senator Malcolm Roberts recently questioned whether the Bondi massacre was a false flag event. On Thursday, Barnaby Joyce asked to re-record an answer on Sky News about whether One Nation would force permanent residents to sell their homes.
In other words, evidence is piling up that One Nation has a way to go before it can claim it is fit to govern the country or act as the balance of power in the Senate.
Hanson herself says she’s not so sure about the prospect of becoming prime minister, indicating an uneasiness about elevating to a platform that will attract more scrutiny and potentially diminish her outsider status.
Hanson’s straight-talking, shock-and-awe style means it can dominate in an environment where social media algorithms filter out nuance. This means One Nation’s flaws and errors, which are growing in number, attract little attention.
Opposition Leader Angus Taylor’s MPs have been told to refrain from making public comments that might accidentally insult the intelligence of Hanson’s supporters. Taylor is focused on getting back to basics and building up the Coalition’s credibility.
But there is material for the Liberal Party to work with, so long as the Coalition can find the bravery and political skill to diminish the outfit trying to cannibalise them.
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Paul Sakkal is Chief Political Correspondent. He previously covered Victorian politics and won a Walkley award and the 2025 Press Gallery Journalist of the Year. Contact him securely on Signal @paulsakkal.14.Connect via X or email.From our partners
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