Opinion
Look at this political moment a certain way, and you can see the establishment coming back to life. The most anticipated case is next week’s US midterms, whose polling looks severe enough for the Republicans to have commentators musing the end of the Trump era. Presidents almost always get a whacking in the midterms, of course, but Donald Trump seems on course for a historic one. Historic enough to return not just the House to the Democrats, but the Senate, which was frankly meant to be unthinkable. That’s on the cards because suddenly Democrats are in potential winning positions in places as red as Texas and Kansas.
But if the establishment is finding comfort anywhere, it will be in the Democrats’ numbers. That party, you will recall, is facing its own insurgency in the form of avowedly left-wing candidates – occasionally self-identified democratic socialists – who dispatched the Democrat establishment in some high-profile primaries. Now we have a spread of Democrats the political coverage variously designates as either “progressives” or “moderates”. And right now, the polling is showing that the moderates are significantly outperforming the progressives. Put another way, the progressive candidates currently seem a drag on the Democrat vote. If they win, it will be because the Democrats had enough margin for error. The closer you are to being the establishment candidate, the better your chances seem.
Now look to Britain, where gravity seems to have taken hold of the insurgents. A suite of polls this week has Reform sinking to third place, with the major parties eclipsing them after two years of running behind. The Greens, meanwhile, have lost half their vote since their peak in February. The result has Labour riding its “Burnham bounce” into a clear first place. The Conservatives are now second. To be clear, that merely has the Tories returning to somewhere near their disastrous 2024 election result. But the direction of travel has them chuffed about that.
If all this is as it seems, we’re looking at something significant. You couldn’t say the underlying conditions that have been driving the populist surge have drastically changed. The cost of living is still an enormous stress everywhere, and public attitudes to immigration remain sceptical. And yet somehow the insurgencies seem fractionally out of puff. Whatever we’re seeing in these societies, it’s not a sudden contentedness with life. It’s more likely the discontentedness remains, but is slowly decoupling from the politicians who once profited from it.
Hereabouts, exercise caution. You probably don’t need me to tell you how slippery US polling has been in the past decade. Sometimes they underestimate the Republican vote – especially Trump’s personal vote in presidential elections – and sometimes they undersell the Democrats. The Economist carried a fascinating analysis last week that found that heavily red states are consistently redder than the polls suggest, and heavily blue states bluer. Normally that doesn’t matter because the result is foregone. But if it holds true this time, we’ll see Democrat hopes dashed in places like Iowa or South Carolina. And Democrat hope restored in places like Maine and New Hampshire.
Similarly, British politics is experiencing some strange conditions. Partly, that’s about Reform’s season of scandal: suspect donations, and elected representatives calling Asians “parasites” and black children “animals” – all of which led to high-profile sackings and suspensions. There’s good reason to believe this pushed once-disillusioned Tories back home. But Reform might be suffering in another way too. One theory is that its recent influx of Tory conversions has completely undermined its outsider status. Reform never pitched itself as a kind of Tory party-in-exile. Once it becomes that, there is less reason for its existence.
Meanwhile, Labour has a prime minister who seems newer than Nigel Farage. Perhaps even more of an outsider. Andy Burnham wasn’t even in the parliament until June. He was parachuted in via a byelection for the express purpose of unseating Keir Starmer and becoming prime minister. It would be too much of a stretch to call Burnham an insurgent. But he’s not continuity, either. He gives the disillusioned a way of listening again, and hearing things afresh. You see the hints of this in the polling of people who didn’t vote in 2024. Until recently, Reform owned these people, having support from 63 per cent of them. Now they have only 26 per cent of them, while Labour now claims almost as many, on 22 per cent.
None of this is quite the empire striking back. It is more the desire for change assuming a different shape. In America, the anti-incumbent mood is clear. Trump, as the chief incumbent, is now a lightning rod for dissent. The looming swings are starkest in places he won comfortably, and are dampened in seats the Democrats are meant to win. In Britain, the title of incumbent has become far more ambiguous. But Labour’s fortunes seem to have risen the less incumbency it exuded, and Reform’s case is the reverse.
That’s less a picture of stability returning than one of restlessness. Clearly, insurgencies have a half-life, determined by how proximate they become to power. This has been one of the clearest trends of Trump’s political career: he builds momentum in opposition, storms to sensational victories, then promptly repels voters when in office. But when he or his fellow travellers are ejected, the disillusionment that put them there hasn’t suddenly been extinguished. It merely reconfigures itself.
Sometimes, under certain conditions, that reconfiguring happens around the establishment. But it doesn’t seem to happen for establishment reasons. And that lays down a particularly wicked challenge: incumbents must exude a sense of constant renewal, a kind of perpetual motion, but one that doesn’t look like chaos or incompetence. Perhaps here Burnham will provide a useful case study. He could hardly begin with a cleaner slate. Now we’ll see how long it takes for the smog of high office to sully it.
It’s exhausting, I admit. But it’s worth observing what it isn’t. For instance, it isn’t politics driving itself off a cliff. It’s not things moving in a linear direction towards authoritarianism, as many fear. It seems more a series of convulsions to no particular end. That’s not to advise complacency, of course. It’s more a case of: strap in. Because in our age, things don’t so much return to normal as pass through normality on the way to somewhere else.
Waleed Aly is a broadcaster, author, academic and regular columnist.
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Waleed Aly is a broadcaster, author, academic and regular columnist for The Age and The Sydney Morning Herald.From our partners
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