Sadaf Kanwal and Shahroz Sabzwari Tie the Knot

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Sadaf Kanwal and Shahroz Sabzwari tied the knot in a simple nikkah ceremony. Sadaf shared a photo of herself with her in-laws and her new husband with a title ‘complete’ and disabled comments on her Instagram. She changed her name to Sadaf Sabzwari on her Instagram, and Shahroz Sabzwari wrote ‘Alhamdulillah’ on his Instagram post and also disabled comments.

Check out their wedding pics.

Sadaf Kanwal and Shahroz Sabzwari Tie the Knot

Sadaf Kanwal and Shahroz Sabzwari Tie the Knot

They may have disabled comments due to the controversy that stirred up a few weeks earlier where Shahroz Sabzwari had released a full video for. He had requested everyone to not include Sadaf’s name as a reason for his and Syra Yousuf’s split. Shahroz and Syra had married seven years ago and had split up in March this year. The couple has a daughter named Nooreh. They had announced their breakup on Instagram. Syra had posted on her Instagram, stating, ‘Today on account of irreconcilable differences Shahroz and I have decided to end our marriage. Our only hope at what is a difficult time for each of us is that both of us can continue to be the best possible parents for our daughter. Therefore we request both media and the public to respect our privacy at this difficult time.”

Shahroz Sabzwari’s father, veteran actor Behroz Sabzwari had spoken to Express Tribune when the rumours of the couple had first emerged in 2019. He has been quoted in Express Tribune stating, “It is an extremely private matter, how can people say so many things without verification and make things even worse for the people involved? How is it ethical to talk about someone’s divorce when it hasn’t happened?”

Twitter was also abuzz with this news. Check out some of the reactions below.

Nevertheless, we wish the very best to the happy couple who are now all set to begin their married journey together.

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CBDT notifies income tax returns forms for 2019-20: Find all the details

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The Income Tax department has notified forms for filing income tax returns for the financial year 2019-20.


The Central Board of Direct Taxes (CBDT) has notified Sahaj (ITR-1), Form ITR-2, Form ITR-3, Form Sugam (ITR-4), Form ITR-5, Form ITR-6, Form ITR-7 and Form ITR-V for the assessment year 2020-21.



The department has revised the I-T return forms for the financial year 2019-20 to allow assessees to avail benefits of various timeline extension granted by the government following the Covid-19 outbreak.


ALSO READ: FPIs remain net sellers for third month in May, pull out Rs 7,366 crore


The government has extended various timelines under the Income Tax Act, 1961, through the Taxation and Other Laws (Relaxation of Certain Provisions) Ordinance, 2020.


Accordingly, the time for making investment or payments for claiming deduction under Chapter-VIA-B of IT Act that includes Section 80C (LIC, PPF, NSC etc.), 80D (Mediclaim) and 80G (Donations) for the financial year 2019-20 had been extended to June 30, 2020.



ClearTax founder and CEO Archit Gupta said, “The new forms require a separate table to disclose tax saving investment made in the first quarter of 2020 for availing them in FY 2019-20. Taxpayers must assess their tax liability for FY 2019-20 and make sure they are maximising their Section 80C benefits if not already done so.



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Coronavirus Turns a Spanish Ocean Delicacy Back Into Daily Fare

LLANÇÀ, Spain — With an intensity of flavor to match their color, the big, bright-red prawns caught off Spain’s eastern coast are the kind of delicacy that someone might eat once or twice in a year and remember fondly for the rest of it.

Around Christmas, when they are often a highlight of restaurants’ holiday menus, the wholesale price at the daily fish auctions in ports like that of Llançà, in Catalonia, would be up to 100 euros a kilogram. That’s about $50 a pound. In mid-March, before Spain declared its coronavirus state of emergency, they fetched around 70 euros a kilogram.

In Llançà this month, a kilogram went for €36.

More than 90 percent of the catch would usually be earmarked for restaurants. With dining rooms closed, that top-end market has disappeared, and the prawns are being picked up at vastly reduced prices by fishmongers who serve a much broader clientele than the elite customers of Spain’s best restaurants.

For those working on fishing boats trawling the seabed in search of the prawns — 12 hours at sea can yield just a dozen kilograms or so — the only consolation has been that oil prices have also collapsed during the pandemic, allowing them to use their boats without spending so much on gas.

“The question is whether people will return in large numbers to the restaurants before the oil prices rise again,” said Josep Garriga, 71, who has officially retired but who still enjoys prawn fishing alongside his son, Jaume, who has taken over the captaincy of their family boat. “Everything has become like the day-to-day uncertainty of fishing, where you always hope for a good catch but never start with anything guaranteed.”

For years, Mr. Garriga and a few other local fishers supplied Paco Pérez, a chef whose two-star Michelin restaurant is within walking distance of the port. The lockdown forced Mr. Pérez to close up and spend more time inside his adjoining family home. Three Latin American trainees, who arrived for cooking apprenticeships shortly before the beginning of the state of emergency, have also been marooned on his property.

While Mr. Pérez is grappling with the cost of closing his flagship restaurant and seven other establishments that he manages worldwide, this unexpected setback has also been a chance for him to reflect about the food chain, and how the closing of restaurants has affected not only his staff but also a selected group of suppliers including fishers, cattle farmers and owners of orchards and vegetable gardens.

“The famous chefs are the faces of our gastronomy, but none of this success would be possible without having a fantastic network of suppliers who can deliver just what I am looking for, depending on the season and the dish that I have in mind,” he said.

“Everybody has been talking about not being able to go to a restaurant, but clearly there is also the less visible side of this story, namely the special suppliers who have been suffering heavily because of the coronavirus,” he added.

Prawns have always been appreciated by local people, Mr. Pérez said, but the growth of Spanish gastronomy has pushed the price of the largest and most famous varieties beyond the reach of normal households. On the other hand, Mr. Pérez noted that Spain’s fine-dining boom had put on the table some previously discarded items.

“I remember a time before haute cuisine when people here would not even eat some of the wonderful things that I have been cooking,” he said, citing the local sea cucumbers that he likes to grill on charcoal, serve in a stew, or even sometimes combine with pig’s trotters.

Since the closing of restaurants, some premium food distributors have also recently been scrambling to find new customers.

“In the last 20 years, gastronomy made all sorts of seafood very fashionable, from our prawns to our urchins,” Xavier Calsina Bosch, a local fish distributor, said. “Many in our business are now seeing the clear disadvantage of having become highly dependent on restaurants, but I still see hope in the longer term, because our great chefs have at least made a lot more people aware of the fantastic variety of produce that can be found along our shores.”

During a fish auction recently, David Pareja Martínez, a fishmonger, sat in the stands reserved for the buyers, carefully viewing the different fish that moved along a conveyor belt, as if watching a fashion catwalk. Among his purchases were eight crates of large red prawns, which he packed in extra ice before driving them back to his shop in Girona, an hour away.

“I have customers who were not even dreaming before this crisis about buying such prawns, but who are of course now very happy to be able to afford them,” he said.

The chance may not last. Catching the prawns is complicated: They shelter far below the surface in rocky, hard-to-access areas. Fishers must steer their boats slowly along the path of underwater canyons, casting huge nets at a depth of about 2,600 feet.

Spain is returning gradually to what Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez has called “the new normalcy,” with plans to remove lockdown restrictions by late June. While restaurants were allowed this month to reopen outdoor eating areas, Mr. Pérez, the chef, said he was planning to welcome back patrons inside his establishment by July 1.

If the premium market does not recover soon, Mr. Garriga said, he and his son would focus on searching instead for sea bream and other more common fish that were sold in supermarkets and whose price had not been undermined by the coronavirus lockdown.

Asked whether he had ever seen anything like this crisis, Mr. Garriga recalled his youth, spent in the isolated and impoverished fishing community of Llançà before foreign tourists started to turn Spain into one of Europe’s main beach holiday destinations.

“I grew up in a house without a door, electricity or running water, and I remember having my first home shower when I was 14,” he said. “This coronavirus has brought about a tough time, but nobody needs to teach me anything about living in hardship.”

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The Trump-Twitter fight ropes in the rest of Silicon Valley

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Alastair Pike/AFP via Getty Images

The feud between the US president and his go-to social media platform is forcing companies to defend the legal protections that underpin their business models.

WASHINGTON — Twitter’s decision to fact-check President Donald Trump’s tweets has vaulted Silicon Valley’s biggest players into a political fight with Washington when they least wanted it.

The deepening feud between the president and his go-to social media platform is forcing companies like Facebook and Google to gird for a lobbying battle to defend the legal protections that underpin their lucrative business models, sooner and much more publicly than they had originally expected. Those preparations accelerated this week, even as Facebook made it clear to Trump that it doesn’t share Twitter’s view of how online platforms should handle political speech.

Now the industry has no choice but to wade into an increasingly partisan debate over free expression, in a preelection season already torn by tensions surrounding the pandemic, mass unemployment and racial unrest.

“This is a debate that had been inside the Beltway that’s now gone national, and that means that advocates of online free speech need to prepare a national response,” said Carl Szabo, the vice president and general counsel at NetChoice, one of many tech industry trade groups responding to the Trump-Twitter showdown this week.

“What’s the opposite of ‘A rising tide lifts all boats?’ That’s this,” said one tech company policy official, who spoke anonymously because of the sensitivities of the situation.

As Trump and Twitter sparred this week, NetChoice — whose members include Facebook, Twitter, Google and scores of other big-name online companies — rushed into an effort to convince the American public that Trump is wrong about an obscure provision of a quarter-century-old communications law.

The move, relying on Facebook posts, tweets and explainer videos, is a shift from the group’s more typically insidery strategy of lobbying Hill staffers or members of Congress. And it suggests a more expansive approach to how Silicon Valley plans to engage in the messaging battle over the laws governing social media.

The rest of Silicon Valley’s robust lobbying presence has kicked into higher gear as well.

The Internet Association, which represents Twitter, Google and Facebook, among others, speedily released a video arguing that the internet depends on the liability protections at the center of the fight. The Computer and Communications Industry Association deliberated the impact of Trump’s actions with its member companies. And the Consumer Tech Association says it is expecting to make a big push to the Senate’s Judiciary and Commerce committees, as well as tech and business-focused caucuses among both parties — including some lawmakers they don’t typically target.

Facebook, meanwhile, made a more public show of trying to stay out of this week’s content moderation clash: CEO Mark Zuckerberg popped up on Fox News in mid-week to say he has a much different view from Twitter on how social media platforms should handle controversial political speech. Companies like his, Zuckerberg said, should not act as “the arbiter of truth.”

Trump seized the opportunity to emphasize the divide. “@Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg is today criticizing Twitter,” the president tweeted Friday.

But whatever public friction may exist between Zuckerberg and Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey, the fight that Twitter set off by stamping fact-check labels on two of Trump’s tweets about mail-in voting has implications for the entire online industry.

Trump, Szabo said, is “using government to attack the free speech rights of internet companies.” (Trump has made the opposite argument, saying Washington must protect free expression from political censorship by liberal Silicon Valley).

Trump responded to Twitter’s rulings by signing an executive order Thursday that targets a law at the heart of the internet industry: Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act. The 1996 statute offers online platforms broad immunity from lawsuits over the messages, photos, videos and other content their users post — a protection that has helped companies like Facebook and Google amass some of the world’s biggest corporate fortunes. It also gives sites leeway to remove content they deem objectionable, a power Trump accuses the companies of abusing for partisan ends.

In the order, Trump asks government agencies to reinterpret the law in a way that would allow them to penalize companies for content decisions they deem politically biased. He has also threatened to push Congress to pass legislation to amend or revoke Section 230, a potentially existential threat to the companies’ business models.

Notably, the industry’s efforts are focused mainly on the threat of legislation — and not so much on the executive order, which many legal experts say lacks authority and conflicts with the Constitution.

“If there were to be changes to Section 230, it would be coming out of Congress, not the White House,” said Michael Petricone, the senior vice president of government affairs for the Consumer Tech Association. “You’ll be seeing increased attention there.”

Tech companies’ reactions to previous government threats haven’t always been industry-wide. The rest of Silicon Valley was more than happy to let Facebook bear the brunt of criticisms over data privacy and Google endure the hottest antitrust spotlight. With Twitter taking the punches, the rest of the tech world could have viewed it as a chance to breathe easy for a while. Instead, they’re feeling roped into a battle triggered by Twitter.

Twitter, meanwhile, escalated its crackdown on Trump early Friday, labeling a Trump tweet containing the phrase “when the looting starts, the shooting starts” in response to protests in Minneapolis as “glorifying violence.” The White House then tweeted Trump’s words verbatim, prompting Twitter to append the same warning label onto the official White House account. Facebook, in contrast, announced it would take no action against a Trump post containing the identical wording.

In another test for Twitter’s policies, Trump tweeted Saturday morning that the protesters who had massed outside the White House the previous night would “have been greeted with the most vicious dogs, and most ominous weapons, I have ever seen” had they breached the grounds.

While Twitter has its own policy priorities in Washington, Section 230 and other content regulations chief among them, it has fewer entanglements in the nation’s capital than its Silicon Valley counterparts. It has recently been more willing to antagonize the Trump administration than some other tech companies, and has previously said that its generally hands-off approach to world leaders doesn’t mean Trump’s tweets can’t be pulled from the platform . Twitter declined to comment for this story.

Twitter is a far smaller company than Facebook and Google, making it less of a target for federal antitrust authorities. It is largely a public platform, which leaves it out of the debate with law enforcement over encryption. And it was never the high-dollar platform for political advertising that Facebook, and as of last year it no longer accepts political ads at all.

“Twitter is acting now because they can,” said Nu Wexler, a former spokesperson for Google, Facebook and Twitter. “They’re not an antitrust target. They’re not in China, so they don’t have to worry about angering the government. And these two cases that they’ve chosen, voting misinformation and a direct violent threat, are good ones for them.”

It’s no real surprise that Trump would go after Silicon Valley as he did. The White House has for many months been mulling an executive order attempting to rein in social media that it ended up issuing this week. In mid-May, the president tweeted that the “Radical Left is in total command & control of Facebook, Instagram, Twitter and Google,” urging his 80 million followers to “stay tuned.”

But where some in the industry had thought Trump was likely to roll out some such order in the chaotic run-up to the November election, as part of a targeted anti-social-media appeal to his base, having this tit-for-tat escalation break out in May means the fight could suck up much more oxygen and burn longer.

“Everybody expected this fight,” Wexler said. “They just thought that it would happen in September or October as part of a get-out-the-vote push.”

This article is part of POLITICO’s premium Tech policy coverage: Pro Technology. Our expert journalism and suite of policy intelligence tools allow you to seamlessly search, track and understand the developments and stakeholders shaping EU Tech policy and driving decisions impacting your industry. Email pro@politico.eu with the code ‘TECH’ for a complimentary trial.



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Zaira Wasim returns to Twitter, says she deactivated her accounts because she’s ‘just a human’ : Bollywood News – Bollywood Hungama

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Ever since Zaira Wasim left the film industry ahead of The Sky Is Pink release, the former actress has been mired in several controversies. It was just a few days ago when she made some comments about locusts in India which were termed controversial by many.

Zaira had quoted the Quran and tweeted, “So We sent upon them the flood and locusts and lice and frogs and blood: Signs openly self explained: but they were steeped in arrogance- a people given to sin” -Qur’an 7:133.”

Soon, she deactivated her social media accounts Twitter and Instagram after receiving a lot of backlash. Now, she is back on Twitter and expressing herself. “Because I’m just a human, like everyone else, who’s allowed to take a break from everything whenever the noise inside my head or around me reaches it’s peak :),” wrote Zaira after someone asked why she deactivated her account.

Zaira Wasim quit the industry claiming that it interfered with her faith and religion and that she was not happy with it.

ALSO READ: Zaira Wasim deletes Instagram and twitter handle after receiving hate for her tweet on the locust attacks

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Catch us for latest Bollywood News, Bollywood Movies update, Box office collection, New Movies Release & upcoming movies info only on Bollywood Hungama.



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Building a New Sanctuary on Long Island for Culture Lovers

This article is part of our latest Design special report, which is about crossing the borders of space, time and media.

Almost two years ago, the married artists April Gornik, 67, and Eric Fischl, 72, bought a deconsecrated white clapboard church in Sag Harbor, N.Y., a former whaling village on the East End of Long Island, where they have lived for more than three decades. Inspired by its stone foundation, rare in an area with mostly sandy soil, and the craftsmanship of its soaring rafters, the couple were loath to see yet another local building become an opulent private home.

Eager to draw upon Sag Harbor’s history — the village is home to a vibrant and longstanding African-American community and Long Island’s first synagogue, and is a haven for artists and writers — Ms. Gornik and Mr. Fischl have transformed the church into a community arts center and artists’ residency.

The conversion of the Sag Harbor United Methodist Church has been a labor of love for the couple, who sold their lofts in SoHo to raise money for the project. It is also the latest and most ambitious of their arts-related initiatives in the area. For the Sag Harbor Partnership, Ms. Gornik has already researched a number of walking-tour apps, one featuring the local cemetery, where Elaine Stritch, George Balanchine and E.L. Doctorow were laid to rest.

And when the Sag Harbor Cinema burned down in December 2016, the couple led the campaign to buy and rebuild it. The new state-of-the-art cinema replicates the original’s Art Deco facade and neon sign. It will open to the public once gatherings are again deemed safe.

The Church — as the new center is known — is a valentine to bygone eras, when Herman Melville haunted the town’s docks and local bars; John Steinbeck relaxed by a wood-burning fire in Harbor Cove with his dog, Charley; Langston Hughes read poems aloud on a friend’s porch; and the sculptor and performance artist Gordon Matta-Clark inhaled fragrant breezes in his mother’s garden. It represents the couple’s effort to restore Sag Harbor as a beacon for all artists.

Following are excerpts from an interview with the couple in their home in January. They have been edited and condensed.

Let’s start with a brief history of the Church.

APRIL GORNIK It was built in 1832 as a Methodist church, and it was originally located on High Street, way up top of a hill that overlooked Sag Harbor. It was moved down to its present location on 48 Madison Street in 1864.

ERIC FISCHL It was deconsecrated about a dozen years ago and bought by a developer, who wanted to turn it into condominiums. When that didn’t work out, an interior designer tried to use it as a studio and a showroom for her hand-painted wallpaper and design products. She found out very quickly that the building was severely compromised due to age — apparently, the tower leaned six degrees out into the street. Then somebody came along and put lots of money into reinforcing the structure, expecting to turn it into a luxury home. But unfortunately, he and his wife broke up and he no longer had a use for his dream home. So it went back on the market.

What was your first impression when you saw it?

FISCHL On the ground floor, when I walked in, I saw these 11-foot stone walls with windows in them. My first thought was, “This is amazing!” The stones were fantastic. And there was this wonderful combination of openness and weight. The ceiling was covered, and the upstairs was full of scaffolding, so for a while you couldn’t tell how incredible the rafters were, but you could sense the bones were beautifully put together. The craftsmanship back then was remarkable. The 50-foot roof beams were hand hewn.

GORNIK It’s really amazing to see it all opened up. At the very top, there are two giant joists initialed by workers from 1864.

FISCHL One of the reasons Sag Harbor became a shipbuilding town was because there were forests of 100-foot white pines here, and white pine grows straight. So for masts, they were ideal.

GORNIK True to form, people decimated them. Decimated and didn’t replant.

So you basically bought a shell?

FISCHL With some wonderful structural integrity to it. And that became a goal of our design: to see the structure as the finished product. Our architect, Lee Skolnick, refers to this type of job as archaeological architecture.

How did you go about choosing an architect?

GORNIK In 1985, we bought our first home here, a little farmhouse on Harrison Street. A year or so later, we were looking for someone to renovate it. The artist Susan Rothenberg, who then had a place on Burke Street, said, “Oh, you should use my architect, he’s really great. He lets you draw on all of his drawings.”

FISCHL That was Lee. Since then we’ve used his firm for numerous projects.

GORNIK Including this house. Lee has also worked on a number of public spaces. He’s been wonderfully generous in contributing most of his fees.

FISCHL We’re all acting in good faith, which seems perfect for a project in a church.

So, it’s just the two of you funding it?

GORNIK Right now, yes, but we’re establishing a new 501(c)3 — a kind of public charity, which means that donations are tax deductible, and the money goes to the programming and operations moving forward. The plan is to finish construction and open as soon as safety and public health allow it.

Why do you see Sag Harbor as a good fit for a community center of this kind?

FISCHL When the cinema was being rebuilt, one thing that was so inspiring to me was that, of the $8 million raised for the purchase price, a million of that came from small donations, which meant that the base for this effort was broad and popular. The Sag Harbor cinema represented part of the identity of the town. And that got me thinking. If you have the cinema bringing in all kinds of interesting films, and doing educational programming, there’s an opportunity to reinforce that with other cultural programs elsewhere.

GORNIK If you do a little research into Sag Harbor, you come across these wild stories about how resilient the town is, and how people didn’t give up after fires and floods and blizzards and the collapse of whole economies.

FISCHL It’s a small town that has impacted the larger world. That’s in the DNA of this place. There’s always been an arts culture here because the town is, on some level, inherently cosmopolitan.

Did you weigh in with the public about your plans?

FISCHL I organized two panels to talk about various aspects of the art ecosystem in this area. They weren’t specifically about the Church. They were co-sponsored by Guild Hall and the Church.

GORNIK Eric said, “We have to stop thinking about art as art. We have to start thinking about how the Church can bring creativity to the community on a larger scale.”

FISCHL With art, everyone thinks if they can’t draw a straight line then they’re not an artist. Our feeling is that art happens way down the road, but there’s a lot in between that is stimulating and enriching, individually and collectively. We’re hoping to do a combination of programming that is based on creativity exercises and activities. We’re going to do exhibitions, conferences, lectures, demonstrations. We also see residents adding a level of stimulation to the artists’ community out here, and creating an energy for the town.

How much space have you set aside for the artists’ residency?

FISCHL There are four residences in back, plus a small kitchen and a dining area. And four studios.

As artists yourselves, what do you consider fundamental to include in an artist’s studio?

FISCHL I actually don’t know what other artists need. What I’ve found is that every artist has a different practice. We don’t know what medium the residents will be working in, whether they’ll be a composer, or a visual artist, etc. What we’re trying to do is create flexible work spaces. There will be movable walls, so you can expand or shrink the space, and plenty of outlets for computers and different kinds of lighting or power equipment or whatever might be needed. To a large extent, we’re still in the “build it, and they will come” stage.

How will you go about picking the residents?

FISCHL We are not going to do it by application. We are going to seek out recommenders who will find people in their various fields, and we will ask them if they’d like to come. It is still very much in the discussion phase.

GORNIK The bottom floor just feels like an incubator to me. It feels like the right place to do any creative act. Then there’s a mezzanine off which there will be a small library.

FISCHL The building used to be a meeting place for Alcoholics Anonymous.

GORNIK And the Rainbow School, a very popular local preschool, used to be there.

FISCHL So it has all of that energy still in it, an energy that has served people in need. And I think that’s the nature of a church, anyway.

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Black Americans Have a Message for Democrats: Not Being Trump Is Not Enough

COLUMBIA, S.C. — In an on-camera address after a week of destructive protests, former vice president Joseph R. Biden Jr. pleaded with his audience to imagine life for black people in America. Imagine, he said, “if every time your husband or son, wife or daughter left the house, you feared for their safety.” Imagine the police called on you for sitting in Starbucks.

“The anger and frustration and the exhaustion, it’s undeniable,” he said.

Exhaustion. For many black Americans across the country, what a year this month has been. The coronavirus pandemic has continued to disproportionately kill black people, and a spate of high profile killings in recent months in Georgia, Kentucky, and Minnesota, the latter two at the hands of the police, led to widespread demonstrations nationwide.

Protests shook more than three dozen cities on Saturday as crowds expressed outrage over the death of George Floyd, a black security guard who was killed in police custody in Minneapolis. Demonstrators shut down freeways, set fires and battled police batons and tear gas, the pain and frustration of the moment spilling out into the streets.

In Columbia, the city where Mr. Biden delivered his victory speech after the South Carolina primary just over three months ago, demonstrators on Saturday said they were demanding more than what it seemed like an election in November would deliver. Not only justice for the death of George Floyd, but change in political and economic power that would prevent the death of another black person in police custody, another brutal video going viral.

“I’m tired of coming out here,” said Devean Moon, a 21-year-old Columbia resident, one of hundreds who participated in the peaceful protests in the city. “I’m tired of feeling forced to do all this.”

It dawned on Sierra Moore, 24, who attended the protests carrying a homemade sign that read “No Justice, No Peace,” that she and her grandmother have been protesting the same issues over the course of a century.

She looked at the racially diverse group of thousands, which gathered for a short program on the State House steps before leading a march to the local police station.

Next to her was another sign: “Respect my existence or expect my resistance.”

“I just don’t think that’s how change happens,” Ms. Moore said of voting. “They’ve been telling us to do that for so long — and we’ve done it — and look at everything that’s still going on.”

Her words — expressing a sentiment shared by her peers — serve notice to politicians, civil rights groups and Mr. Biden, the presumptive Democratic nominee who has urged unity amid the frustration. “If you want change in America, go and register to vote,” said Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms of Atlanta, but interviews with activists and leading Democratic figures including Stacey Abrams of Georgia, the longtime civil rights leader and former presidential candidate Jesse Jackson, and Representative Ayanna Pressley of Massachusetts, flipped that typical framework: If Democrats want people to vote, party leaders need to listen to why people are angry.

Ms. Abrams described the events of the past week as what happens when people are desperate for “their pain to be validated.”

“You cannot motivate someone to a behavior that they don’t believe will actually bring change,” she said. “We have to start by saying what you feel and what you fear is real.”

Mr. Biden has attempted to strike this balance. He made clear during his recent remarks that he had spoken to Mr. Floyd’s family. He talked about the country needing to confront the “uncomfortable truths” of racism.

“The very soul of America is at stake,” he said, tying the tension between the police and black communities to removing President Trump from the White House.

But the moment may still test Mr. Biden’s priorities, as a weary black electorate desires far greater change than the promise of a return to normalcy that has fueled his campaign. The Democratic Party is the political home of most black Americans. The former vice president, one of the Senate architects of the modern criminal justice system, cannot confront racism without addressing systemic inequalities, and he cannot address systemic inequalities by simply returning to a pre-Trump America.

“Our needs aren’t moderate,” Mr. Jackson said in a recent interview. “The absence of Trump is not enough.”

Mr. Biden’s win in South Carolina was a turning point for his once-flailing campaign. His support came from across all demographics, but his particular strength was older black voters — people who said the community’s familiarity with and trust of Mr. Biden, combined with his perceived ability to beat Mr. Trump, earned their backing.

To win in November, and to deliver on his promise of American unity, Mr. Biden is likely to need more than the coalition that brought him his primary victory. And to engage younger voters, he’ll need to offer more than the promise of ousting Mr. Trump as an answer to current despair.

On the policy front, a task force with criminal justice experts that supported Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont has already been convened. Mr. Jackson, who supported Mr. Sanders in the primary, said Mr. Biden is “a consensus builder” and, if surrounded by the right people, the quality should serve him well.

But Mr. Biden also must minimize mistakes, said Mayor Stephen Benjamin of Columbia, alluding to the recent controversy in which Mr. Biden apologized after saying “you ain’t black” to black people uncertain whether to support him or Mr. Trump.

“The greatest asset that every candidate has, for better or for worse, is authenticity,” Mr. Benjamin said. He views authenticity as a prerequisite to leveling with people who are used to being disappointed. “I do believe, that if the vice president is authentically Joe, a legitimately good man who cares, I think people will gravitate to that authenticity.”

Engaging with a community that feels disaffected by the political system can be difficult. Mr. Trump has made a public show of trying to coax black Americans away from the Democratic Party, though he inadvertently made clear in comments to reporters on Saturday how little progress he has made: “MAGA is Make America Great Again,” he said, discussing his voting base. “By the way, they love African-American people, they love black people. MAGA loves the black people.”

Last October, Mr. Trump was in Columbia to address a forum on policing and criminal justice — many of the issues protesters are taking to the streets over — held at Benedict College, a historically black institution. He spoke a day ahead of some of the 2020 Democratic candidates, including Mr. Biden.

“The Democratic policies have let African-Americans down and taken them for granted,” Mr. Trump said then.

Progressive black leaders are extremely critical of Mr. Trump, as are many black voters. But they also believe that Democrats have sometimes been their greatest obstacle in addressing police brutality and racial inequality.

“Part of the reason these are systemic inequalities is that they transcend not only party, but time,” said Ms. Abrams, who is among those being vetted by Mr. Biden as a potential running mate. She also noted that:“We have to be very intentional about saying this is not about one moment or one murder — but the entire infrastructure of justice.”

Ms. Pressley, one of the House members who introduced a resolution to condemn police brutality, racial profiling, and the excessive use of force in Congress this past week, pointed to the confluence of issues facing black communities: a public health crisis, an economic crisis and, with the threat of police violence, “just trying to stay alive.”

Economic experts have predicted that even as the country faces a nationwide downturn, black communities may be hit particularly hard. Access to capital will dry up more quickly, especially for black business owners, and a coming “avalanche of evictions” could displace black renters across the country.

Ms. Pressley, an insurgent progressive in 2018 who beat a Democratic incumbent partly with a strategy to engage nontypical voters, said if elected officials want to speak to people’s pain, they have to understand the “deficit of trust” they’re operating under.

“People don’t participate, not because they’re ignorant and they don’t know enough,” she said. “It’s because they know too much. They live it every day.”

At Saturday’s march in South Carolina’s capital, thousands gathered at a state capitol rich with its own racial back story. The Old Carolina State House was burned to the ground during the Civil War, and the new building includes monuments to 19th-century state figures who were open racists — such as Dr. J. Marion Sims, a pioneer in the field of surgery who experimented on enslaved black women, and Benjamin Tillman, a former U.S. senator and South Carolina governor who spoke positively about lynch mobs that killed black residents.

On Saturday, the state house steps were filled with many black South Carolinians, demanding the right to live without fear, an echo of what some people fought for more than a century ago, in the days of Mr. Sims and Mr. Tillman.

“Clearly our voices are not enough,” said Kayla Brabham, a 28-year-old student at Benedict College who skipped Mr. Trump’s speech at her school.

“It’s not just the last couple years or months, it’s the whole time I’ve been alive,” she said. “We should not have to come out here to make y’all feel like we’re important.”

Even her name, she said, was a reminder of the country’s legacy of black violence.

“B-R-A-B-H-A-M, ” she said, spelling it out. “We got that from our slave masters. My great-great-grandmother was a slave in Hampton, South Carolina.”

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Black Americans Have a Message for Democrats: Not Being Trump Is Not Enough

COLUMBIA, S.C. — In an on-camera address after a week of destructive protests, former vice president Joseph R. Biden Jr. pleaded with his audience to imagine life for black people in America. Imagine, he said, “if every time your husband or son, wife or daughter left the house, you feared for their safety.” Imagine the police called on you for sitting in Starbucks.

“The anger and frustration and the exhaustion, it’s undeniable,” he said.

Exhaustion. For many black Americans across the country, what a year this month has been. The coronavirus pandemic has continued to disproportionately kill black people, and a spate of high profile killings in recent months in Georgia, Kentucky, and Minnesota, the latter two at the hands of the police, led to widespread demonstrations nationwide.

Protests shook more than three dozen cities on Saturday as crowds expressed outrage over the death of George Floyd, a black security guard who was killed in police custody in Minneapolis. Demonstrators shut down freeways, set fires and battled police batons and tear gas, the pain and frustration of the moment spilling out into the streets.

In Columbia, the city where Mr. Biden delivered his victory speech after the South Carolina primary just over three months ago, demonstrators on Saturday said they were demanding more than what it seemed like an election in November would deliver. Not only justice for the death of George Floyd, but change in political and economic power that would prevent the death of another black person in police custody, another brutal video going viral.

“I’m tired of coming out here,” said Devean Moon, a 21-year-old Columbia resident, one of hundreds who participated in the peaceful protests in the city. “I’m tired of feeling forced to do all this.”

It dawned on Sierra Moore, 24, who attended the protests carrying a homemade sign that read “No Justice, No Peace,” that she and her grandmother have been protesting the same issues over the course of a century.

She looked at the racially diverse group of thousands, which gathered for a short program on the State House steps before leading a march to the local police station.

Next to her was another sign: “Respect my existence or expect my resistance.”

“I just don’t think that’s how change happens,” Ms. Moore said of voting. “They’ve been telling us to do that for so long — and we’ve done it — and look at everything that’s still going on.”

Her words — expressing a sentiment shared by her peers — serve notice to politicians, civil rights groups and Mr. Biden, the presumptive Democratic nominee who has urged unity amid the frustration. “If you want change in America, go and register to vote,” said Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms of Atlanta, but interviews with activists and leading Democratic figures including Stacey Abrams of Georgia, the longtime civil rights leader and former presidential candidate Jesse Jackson, and Representative Ayanna Pressley of Massachusetts, flipped that typical framework: If Democrats want people to vote, party leaders need to listen to why people are angry.

Ms. Abrams described the events of the past week as what happens when people are desperate for “their pain to be validated.”

“You cannot motivate someone to a behavior that they don’t believe will actually bring change,” she said. “We have to start by saying what you feel and what you fear is real.”

Mr. Biden has attempted to strike this balance. He made clear during his recent remarks that he had spoken to Mr. Floyd’s family. He talked about the country needing to confront the “uncomfortable truths” of racism.

“The very soul of America is at stake,” he said, tying the tension between the police and black communities to removing President Trump from the White House.

But the moment may still test Mr. Biden’s priorities, as a weary black electorate desires far greater change than the promise of a return to normalcy that has fueled his campaign. The Democratic Party is the political home of most black Americans. The former vice president, one of the Senate architects of the modern criminal justice system, cannot confront racism without addressing systemic inequalities, and he cannot address systemic inequalities by simply returning to a pre-Trump America.

“Our needs aren’t moderate,” Mr. Jackson said in a recent interview. “The absence of Trump is not enough.”

Mr. Biden’s win in South Carolina was a turning point for his once-flailing campaign. His support came from across all demographics, but his particular strength was older black voters — people who said the community’s familiarity with and trust of Mr. Biden, combined with his perceived ability to beat Mr. Trump, earned their backing.

To win in November, and to deliver on his promise of American unity, Mr. Biden is likely to need more than the coalition that brought him his primary victory. And to engage younger voters, he’ll need to offer more than the promise of ousting Mr. Trump as an answer to current despair.

On the policy front, a task force with criminal justice experts that supported Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont has already been convened. Mr. Jackson, who supported Mr. Sanders in the primary, said Mr. Biden is “a consensus builder” and, if surrounded by the right people, the quality should serve him well.

But Mr. Biden also must minimize mistakes, said Mayor Stephen Benjamin of Columbia, alluding to the recent controversy in which Mr. Biden apologized after saying “you ain’t black” to black people uncertain whether to support him or Mr. Trump.

“The greatest asset that every candidate has, for better or for worse, is authenticity,” Mr. Benjamin said. He views authenticity as a prerequisite to leveling with people who are used to being disappointed. “I do believe, that if the vice president is authentically Joe, a legitimately good man who cares, I think people will gravitate to that authenticity.”

Engaging with a community that feels disaffected by the political system can be difficult. Mr. Trump has made a public show of trying to coax black Americans away from the Democratic Party, though he inadvertently made clear in comments to reporters on Saturday how little progress he has made: “MAGA is Make America Great Again,” he said, discussing his voting base. “By the way, they love African-American people, they love black people. MAGA loves the black people.”

Last October, Mr. Trump was in Columbia to address a forum on policing and criminal justice — many of the issues protesters are taking to the streets over — held at Benedict College, a historically black institution. He spoke a day ahead of some of the 2020 Democratic candidates, including Mr. Biden.

“The Democratic policies have let African-Americans down and taken them for granted,” Mr. Trump said then.

Progressive black leaders are extremely critical of Mr. Trump, as are many black voters. But they also believe that Democrats have sometimes been their greatest obstacle in addressing police brutality and racial inequality.

“Part of the reason these are systemic inequalities is that they transcend not only party, but time,” said Ms. Abrams, who is among those being vetted by Mr. Biden as a potential running mate. She also noted that:“We have to be very intentional about saying this is not about one moment or one murder — but the entire infrastructure of justice.”

Ms. Pressley, one of the House members who introduced a resolution to condemn police brutality, racial profiling, and the excessive use of force in Congress this past week, pointed to the confluence of issues facing black communities: a public health crisis, an economic crisis and, with the threat of police violence, “just trying to stay alive.”

Economic experts have predicted that even as the country faces a nationwide downturn, black communities may be hit particularly hard. Access to capital will dry up more quickly, especially for black business owners, and a coming “avalanche of evictions” could displace black renters across the country.

Ms. Pressley, an insurgent progressive in 2018 who beat a Democratic incumbent partly with a strategy to engage nontypical voters, said if elected officials want to speak to people’s pain, they have to understand the “deficit of trust” they’re operating under.

“People don’t participate, not because they’re ignorant and they don’t know enough,” she said. “It’s because they know too much. They live it every day.”

At Saturday’s march in South Carolina’s capital, thousands gathered at a state capitol rich with its own racial back story. The Old Carolina State House was burned to the ground during the Civil War, and the new building includes monuments to 19th-century state figures who were open racists — such as Dr. J. Marion Sims, a pioneer in the field of surgery who experimented on enslaved black women, and Benjamin Tillman, a former U.S. senator and South Carolina governor who spoke positively about lynch mobs that killed black residents.

On Saturday, the state house steps were filled with many black South Carolinians, demanding the right to live without fear, an echo of what some people fought for more than a century ago, in the days of Mr. Sims and Mr. Tillman.

“Clearly our voices are not enough,” said Kayla Brabham, a 28-year-old student at Benedict College who skipped Mr. Trump’s speech at her school.

“It’s not just the last couple years or months, it’s the whole time I’ve been alive,” she said. “We should not have to come out here to make y’all feel like we’re important.”

Even her name, she said, was a reminder of the country’s legacy of black violence.

“B-R-A-B-H-A-M, ” she said, spelling it out. “We got that from our slave masters. My great-great-grandmother was a slave in Hampton, South Carolina.”

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A London Home Goes From Georgian to Modern, With a Detour

This article is part of our latest Design special report, which is about crossing the borders of space, time and media.

When Heather Kane was scouring her favorite London neighborhoods two years ago searching for an apartment to buy, she discovered a promising candidate on the first floor of an 18th-century townhouse on Harley Street, in the Marylebone area of the city center.

“I loved it,” recalled Ms. Kane, a 42-year-old technology executive turned design entrepreneur, who was born in Los Angeles and has lived in London since 2015. “Most of the apartments I’d seen had beautiful, original facades but were too pared back inside. This one was huge with high windows and ceilings, original plaster moldings, and an amazing terrace.

“I love London’s historic architecture and wanted to preserve as much of the period detailing as possible. I thought it would be an easy conversion, but it turned out to be 10 times harder than anything I’d done before.”

The cause of her difficulties was Britain’s labyrinthine architectural conservation system, which ensures that any changes to a building deemed to be of historic importance, like the Harley Street townhouse, must be approved by the local planning department. Ms. Kane’s home is in the City of Westminster, which includes some of London’s finest historical buildings, but whose planners are famed for their strictness and for having very particular opinions on what constitutes acceptable — and unacceptable —— architectural interventions.

Translating such a building into a comfortable, functional contemporary home is almost always intensely subjective and potentially contentious. One person’s interpretation of sensitive restoration can be another’s idea of architectural carnage, while a third might regard it as too timid. As Ms. Kane admitted, one of her challenges in navigating British conservation politics was having no knowledge of the planning system. Another problem was the difficulty of translating her needs and wishes into something that Westminster’s planners would approve.

Like much of Marylebone, Harley Street originated as a speculative development by the Portland Estate, owned by the Duke of Portland, whose wife inherited most of the land between what are now Oxford Street and Marylebone Road, in 1741. Harley Street’s construction began in the 1750s, and the house containing Ms. Kane’s apartment was designed and built from 1773 to 1774 by one of the estate’s surveyors, John White, and Thomas Collins, a sought-after ornamental plasterer.

Grander houses were built nearby at that time — notably those designed by the Scottish architects Robert and James Adam on Mansfield Street — but the delicately rendered cherubs in Collins’s plasterwork would have been enough to distinguish this one. His renown may also explain why several of his ornate panels survived nearly 250 years of construction, including the house’s conversion in 1949 into flats. Collins’s skill also contributed to the entire house’s being given a Grade 2 listing, which is awarded to a building “of special interest, warranting every effort to preserve it,” in 1987.

Like many London apartments of similar vintage, Ms. Kane’s two-bedroom, first-floor flat combined some original elements with a motley assortment of additions dating from the early and mid-1800s, early 1900s, the 1949 conversion, and subsequent makeovers. Westminster’s planners insisted that all of those features be preserved and that any adjacent work match them. Ms. Kane was happy with that, but not with the planners’ response to her request for what she thought were modest changes to make her new home “more livable,” as she put it.

When she bought the apartment, Ms. Kane contacted Red Deer, a group of young architects who had designed the interior of one of her favorite London restaurants, Bourne & Hollingsworth Buildings in Clerkenwell. “It has a tumbledown historic feel, a little bit deconstructed, and I wanted a similar aesthetic,” she explained.

Together with Red Deer’s co-founder, Lionel Real de Azúa, she formulated a proposal to restore Collins’s panels and other historic detailing, while modifying the apartment’s layout, principally by relocating the kitchen to create a large open-plan space for entertaining, eating and cooking, and reconfiguring other areas to accommodate two bathrooms, rather than one. They also hoped to improve the insulation by installing thicker glass in the windows and an additional layer of floorboards and asked Westminster’s planners for permission to proceed.

“They came back with ‘no,’ without explaining why,” Ms. Kane said. “I ended up hiring a lawyer, and three sets of heritage experts. As soon as the third one, Kit Wedd of Spurstone Heritage, came in, things were smoothed out. Kit was an angel. If we’d had her in the beginning, I’d have got nine months of my life back.”

Even so, some of their proposals were rejected. The changes to the layout were approved, but not the thicker glass and floors. Ms. Wedd also worked with Red Deer to identify which aspects of the interior were authentic. “There had been so much work on the building that it would be very hard to distill it into a particular style,” said Mr. Real de Azúa. “The floor was a hodgepodge of pine, Douglas fir, oak and plywood. We discovered that the Douglas fir boards were original, so we found new boards to match and stripped everything else out.”

Similar principles were applied to the fireplaces, ceiling moldings and joinery. Some areas were so damaged that Red Deer had to improvise, for example by painting part of the guest bedroom wall gray to disguise the repaired plaster. As Ms. Kane is an avid collector of art and furniture with eclectic taste, they chose a palette of white, black and gray to create a neutral backdrop for her auction and flea market finds from different periods and cultures. She then created clusters of favorite pieces throughout the apartment, such as a 1956 Charles and Ray Eames lounge chair placed near a 19th-century landscape painting and an antique rug from Frances Loom, a vintage furniture company she co-owns, in the living area.

“I enjoy picking up things I like and mixing them up,” Ms. Kane said. “I loved doing that for the apartment, and I love living here. But I wouldn’t buy a listed building ever again.”

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A Panorama of Design

This article is part of our latest Design special report, which is about crossing the borders of space, time and media.

Nearly every May since 2010 the online design magazine Sight Unseen has held an exhibition in New York presenting the work of up-and-coming creators. The event has always been scheduled to coincide with the International Contemporary Furniture Fair and thus take advantage of all the retail buyers and interior designers in the city at that time. This year, of course, the coronavirus upended everyone’s plans.

“For us, it was a no-brainer,” said Monica Khemsurov, who co-founded the site with Jill Singer.

To promote sales, the partners set up a digital storefront on 1stdibs where some of the new furniture, lighting and rugs can be bought. And though you can’t meet the designers face-to-face this year you can at least hear them — on audio clips in which the designers talk about their new wares.

They talk to each other, too. In an afternoon series on Instagram Live — 2 p.m. daily the first week of June — exhibitors compare notes. On June 1 catch Kalen Kaminski (of Upstate) and Leah Ring (Another Human) discussing their recent forays into glasswork. The next day Brett Miller (Jack Rabbit Studio) and Christopher Norman ponder contemporary woodworking — a big trend this year. And on June 5 Mike Ruiz-Serra (Serra Studio) and Hannah Bigeleisen share the thrills of experimenting with paper pulp. Sightunseen.com

Shuttered businesses, job losses and relationships under duress — the world may seem to be falling apart as a result of the coronavirus. Turns out there’s a wallpaper for that.

The artist Daniel Arsham, a co-founder of the design studio Snarkitecture, has collaborated with Calico Wallpaper on a trompe l’oeil wall covering that will make a room look like it is crumbing away.

“Erosions” is based on a mural Mr. Arsham and Calico created for a gallery show in 2018. To achieve it, the artist made castings of eroded surfaces; then the company used a scanning process to digitize the works. Gallery goers loved the one-off piece, and now Calico is printing the design on clay-coated paper for use in residences.

While the wall covering appears to depict wreckage, it may have a hopeful message: The faux gouges contain crystals, “which we associate with growth,” said Mr. Arsham, speaking from his weekend house on Long Island where he has hunkered down with his wife and children.

“There’s an ambiguity,” he added. “Are things falling apart or are they growing to some kind of completion?” calicowallpaper.com. $28 a square foot.

When the conceptual artist Mary Ellen Carroll carried a low chair with a pole back and outstretched arms to Hudson River Park in New York for a photo shoot recently, a passer-by asked, “Is it a piece of sculpture?”

In fact, her Tower Chair is a provocation — about control of digital air space; it is also the prototype for a design she said she believed could one day be put into production, yielding seats that double as hot spots.

The chair, part of a broader inquiry named Public Utility 2.0, evolved from a commissioned work for a contemporary art exhibition in 2013. With that project, Ms. Carroll — whose art touches on technology and public policy — sought to educate people about the idle radio frequencies of old television channels and how they could be put to use connecting underserved communities.

“It’s public space,” she said, speaking of the invisible but mapped properties, which can host a variety of transmissions. “It should be utilized for the public good.”

Her three-leg chair, fittingly, has a form that evokes telephone towers, which support wiring for remote communications. It is made of solid wood and slicked with rubber paint applied in an auto body shop.

But when the chair is put into production, Ms. Carroll, the founder of MEC, studios, envisions hollow parts that could house wiring for receiving and transmitting signals. Thus equipped, a seat could become a piece of portable infrastructure enabling someone in a Wi-Fi desert to log on while lounging.

If the lockdown has you bored with your décor, maybe your lamps just aren’t working hard enough. The Space Table Lamp, designed by Ward Wijnant, functions as a fun-house mirror, reflecting and distorting its surroundings — and that’s when it’s off. When the thing is on, it flashes disco lights. Is it a lamp? A piece of kinetic sculpture? “It’s something in between,” said Mr. Wijnant, speaking by phone from his home in the Netherlands.

Stainless-steel clips hold together the arched pieces of plexiglass that make the lamp’s sides. Those silvery panels turn translucent when the light is switched on, revealing the bulbs within.

The Space Table Lamp belongs in that strange universe of objects — like mood rings and lava lamps — whose fascination lies in the way they change based on our interaction with them. In these terrible times, the design is “a release of joy,” Mr. Wijnant said.

It is not, however, a functional lamp that sheds light the way ordinary fixtures do. Don’t expect to read a book by it. $1,569, moooi.com

Four years ago, Michael McManus and Matthew Grant were post-college housemates in London when they began kicking around the idea of renting a studio and making something with their hands. Mr. McManus had studied fine art, Mr. Grant had a degree in architecture, and both were intrigued with the possibilities of forms based on the ancient art of origami.

Now they have a collection of vases, coasters and planters that embody the tension between the fragility of folded paper and the solidity of functional objects. Their wares also incorporate a surprising ingredient: the soggy remains of tea bags.

A commitment to making sustainable products led the partners to explore adding food waste to the nontoxic gypsum-based binder they use to cast their designs. They tried crushed eggshells, coffee grounds and fruit peelings before hitting on something in abundance in their country of tea drinkers.

“One of the reasons we settled on tea is that it has an aesthetic quality we like,” Mr. McManus said. “The natural pigments come through.”

Chamomile yields off-white, peppermint blue-green and rooibos ochre.

The partners collect tea bags from cafes, dry the leaves in a dehydrator, then crush them before adding to the binder. The process informed the name of their endeavor: Dust London.

“A lot of what we are experimenting with,” Mr. Grant said, “is taking a material that had been used and breaking it down and finding a way to reuse it and make it beautiful again.”

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